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Recent Articles written about the UDPC

 


Press Releases

 

Downing Street Minutes
Demands Full Investigation
June 13, 2005

The Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus (UDPC) urges members of Utah’s congressional delegation to join the more than 80 members of Congress calling for an investigation into the Downing Street Minutes. This document clearly shows there is strong evidence the Bush Administration and others were “fixing” intelligence in order to justify the invasion of Iraq. A complete copy of the minutes along with links to other sites containing information on them and the growing campaign calling for a complete and thorough investigation can be found at the UDPC’s website, www.udpc.org .

The Downing Street Minutes originated from a meeting between Prime Minister Tony Blaire and others members of his government held on July 23, 2002, eight months prior to the eventual invasion of Iraq. It clearly outlines the perceived need to “fix” intelligence around “the policy” of invasion. It also explicitly refers to lack of patience on the part of the National Security Council with going through the United Nations and the lack of planning for the probable aftermath of war. It refers to the Bush Administration’s case for war as “thin” and states explicitly Iraq had less WMD capability than Libya, Iran or North Korea.

“While all members of Utah’s delegation supported the war originally, this does not preclude them from supporting a full investigation into the question of whether they and the American people were misled in order to make the case for war” states Craig Axford, Co-Chair of the UDPC. “Significant evidence exists we were lied to in order to lead us into war, and we spent the better part of the last decade investigating a president on far less serious grounds.”

Laura Bonham, Co-Chair of the UDPC is troubled by the lack of coverage this important document and other related documents have received in the American press. “We rely on the media to fully explore the implications of various policy choices our country makes and the arguments for and against these choices” states Bonham. “American men and women as well as thousands of Iraqi citizens have paid for this decision with their lives, and the media dishonors their deaths by remaining focused on issues of far less consequence.”

For additional information regarding the UDPC’s position on this subject, please contact Craig Axford at (801)634-7319 or Laura Bonham at (435)640-2252. Thank you.


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Progressives Speak Out
Against Senators Hatch & Bennett
Support for Drilling in ANWR

March 16, 2005

The Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus (UDPC) is disappointed by Senators Hatch and Bennett’s vote today in favor of opening the Alaska National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR) to oil exploration. The Senate approved a measure that would open the door to potential oil exploration on a 51-49 vote.

The United States currently consumes nearly 21 million barrels of oil a day, 58% of that coming from overseas. Assuming ANWR’s oil reserves end up meeting the most optimistic projections, this would amount to no more than roughly 1.4 million additional barrels of oil per day for the United States. The reality could well fall far short of that amount.

“If the current administration and Republicans in Congress were serious about reducing our reliance on foreign oil, they would aggressively pursue improvements to automobile fuel efficiency” states Craig Axford, co-chair of the UDPC and candidate for Utah Democratic Party Chair. “Only someone with little to no faith in American know how and creativity would argue our nation cannot improve fuel efficiency in our automobile fleet by 10% or more over the next decade.”

Laura Bonham, co-chair of the UDPC and candidate for vice-chair of the Utah Democratic Party agrees. “Our nation put a man on the moon in less than 10 years. Why does this administration and Utah’s Senators ignore threats to national security and the environment, block research and development that would truly reduce our reliance on Middle Eastern oil, and continue to insist we can drill our way out of our growing oil crisis?”

The UDPC believes America can lead the world in the development of energy efficient technology and alternative energy development. However, we need leadership willing to stand up to big oil and other special interests that put the dollar ahead of national security or stewardship of the environment. For more information regarding the UDPC’s position on this issue, please call (801)634-7319 or (435)640-2252.

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Progressive Caucus Leaders Critical
of Cannon’s Position on Nuclear Testing

March 9, 2005


Chris Cannon’s recent statements about resumed nuclear testing (March 9 Salt Lake tribune & March 2 interview on KCPW) make it 4 to 1 among Utah’s Congressmen in support of development of new and unnecessary nuclear arms and their testing. Craig Axford, Co-Chair of the Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus (UDPC) and candidate for Chair of the Utah Democratic Party commented, “Only Jim Matheson has represented the majority of Utahn’s in their opposition to these tests. Only Jim Matheson has submitted legislation to Congress that would place numerous roadblocks to testing in the path of the Department of Energy. However, Jim Matheson’s family is not the only Utah family that has been harmed by past atmospheric and underground nuclear tests.” Axford and the UDPC have campaigned vigorously against resumed testing.

The record shows that all underground tests have a high probability of going atmospheric and at least half of them did. Some serious questions need answers before we allow history to repeat itself. Shall we as a nation begin down this horrible road again under the premise of national defense when it has such potential to destroy American lives within our own borders? There is no data to suggest that Nuclear Robust Earth Penetrators will do a better job than the existing non-nuclear bunker busters currently in our arsenals. Do we want to start another nuclear arms race like the one following the Manhattan Project? What is to stop other countries that signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty from dropping out or ignoring its terms to start developing their own nuclear arsenals?

Laura Bonham, Co-Chair of the UDPC and Vice Chair candidate said “All Utahns, whether Democrat or Republican, need to stand up behind Jim Matheson and his Safety for Americans from Nuclear Weapons Testing Act. All Utahns should stand with the family’s who have suffered from nuclear fallout in the past. Resumed nuclear testing will not build a bridge to peaceful co-existence among countries in the 21st century. It is far more likely to tear it down and carry us back in history to a very dark time when Utahns were considered no more than collateral damage.”

For additional information regarding the UDPC’s position on this issue, please contact Craig Axford at (801)634-7319 or Laura Bonham at (435)640-2252.

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Utah Democratic Party
Progressive Caucus War with Iraq
March 19, 2003

The Utah Democratic Party’s Progressive Caucus today announced its disappointment regarding the Bush Administration’s decision to commence war with Iraq. The unilateral decision to attack another nation without first being attacked, or even directly threatened with attack, represents a major turning point in U.S. foreign policy the Progressive Caucus cannot support.

After World War II, the United States led the way in condemning the unilateral and hostile actions of Nazi Germany and Japan which resulted in the advent of that war. To now adopt a policy of pre-emptive strikes against a sovereign nation that has not attacked us undermines our credibility and invites similar actions by other nations in the future which will not be in the United State’s interest.

The Progressive Caucus also believes the use of force without prior UN approval is a serious violation of international law. In addition, the caucus believes the United States Congress has abdicated its constitutional responsibility to declare war prior to initiation of hostilities through passage of a resolution that did not even require the signature of the President.

The Democratic Progressive Caucus supports more constructive means of achieving peace in the Middle East. These include an aggressive “Marshall Plan” for the Middle East which involves investment in aid for hunger, poverty, medical, educational and infrastructure initiatives. The Progressive Caucus also supports the establishment of a Palestinian State, and making aid to Israel conditional upon a cessation of settlement construction in the occupied territories. We further support an end to Israeli use of flachette bombs and other weapons which inflict injury and death upon innocent civilians, and similarly call upon all other parties to end the use of terrorism to target innocent civilians.

The Progressive Caucus also supports aggressive efforts at home to reduce America’s reliance on foreign oil, including improvements in corporate average fuel economy (CAFE) standards and investment in wind and solar energy. America cannot hope to achieve long-term peace while still relying heavily on the resources of foreign nations to support its standard of living.

For more information regarding the position of the Democratic Progressive Caucus on this or other issues, please contact Craig Axford at (801)918-6017 or Laura Bonham at (435)336-2123.

 

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Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus
Criticizes Hatch and Bennett
Vote on Nuclear Weapon Development
And Testing

May 22, 2003

Given Utah’s history as a downwind state exposed to considerable contamination from above and below ground nuclear testing, Senator Hatch and Bennett’s vote on May 21 to authorize research and development into new “bunker buster” nuclear weapons is not only troubling, but irresponsible. The Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus (UDPC) calls upon Utah’s representatives in the House to vote against this affront to the citizens of Utah, which during the era of nuclear testing were labeled “a low use segment of the population” by our government.

The UDPC also reminds Utah’s delegation as a nation, we have committed ourselves to end the development of new nuclear weapons under the Non-proliferation Treaty, and to ultimately eliminate our own nuclear arsenal. This treaty also commits the United States to not using any form of nuclear weapon against a non-nuclear power. So called “bunker buster” nuclear weapons are intended for use against non-nuclear nations with significant consequences for any civilians living nearby.

“Given our recent indignation over North Korea’s withdrawal from the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty, and Iraq’s alleged violations of it, why would this administration or our Senators support this step?” asks UDPC Co-Chair Laura Bonham. “We should be setting an example for other nations regarding ending the nuclear threat we all live under, not developing a whole new class of weapons of mass destruction.”

UDPC Co-Chair, Craig Axford agrees. “These weapons will inevitably require testing. That means Utahn’s will once again be asked to sacrifice their health and their environment in the name of national security. The irony is the development of new nuclear weapons in violation of international law will make the world less secure in the long-run, while a whole new generation of downwinders grows up under the shadow of nuclear testing.”

The Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus asks all citizens to contact Senators Hatch and Bennett to express their outrage at this violation of our trust. We also request every Utahn to contact their representative in the House of Representatives to urge them to stand against any effort to develop a new generation of weapons that will inevitably expose all of us to additional risk.

For more information regarding this statement, please contact Craig Axford at (801)918-6017 or Laura Bonham at (435)640-2252.
The opinions expressed are those of the UDPC and do not necessarily represent those of the Utah Democratic Party.


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For Immediate Release
January 24, 2004

Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus
Endorses Congressman Dennis Kucinich

This morning the Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus (UDPC) voted to endorse Congressman Dennis Kucinich at its first presidential endorsement meeting since the UDPC was formed in March of last year. Congressman Kucinich received 65% of the vote on the first ballot.

The UDPC has chosen as its primary issues the potential for renewed nuclear testing under the Bush administration, nuclear waste disposal in Utah and throughout the Great Basin, and health care reform in the form of a single payer health care system. “In reviewing Kucinich’s position on these issues, and in listening to his representative, Susan Clarke, today at our meeting, it was clear to our members Congressman Kucinich stands with us on all of these issues” states Craig Axford, co-chair of the UDPC.

UDPC co-chair Laura Bonham agrees. “Dennis’ commitment to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the eventual elimination of nuclear weapons from the globe is clear in both his positions as a presidential candidate and through his voting record in Congress.” Bonham continues, “Dennis has also introduced legislation to achieve true affordable universal health care coverage for all Americans, and this is extremely important to the members of the UDPC.”

Joe Inman, coordinator of the Utah Kucinich Campaign expressed delight at receiving the UDPC endorsement. “The UDPC is the first official Utah Democratic Party caucus to endorse Dennis. We hope labor, the women’s caucus, the gay and lesbian caucus and others will look seriously at Dennis’ record and join in supporting Kucinich next month and in November.” Congressman Kucinich is also the only presidential candidate so far committed to visiting Utah between now and Utah’s February 24 primary according to Mr. Inman. Congressman Kucinich is scheduled to visit Utah on February 19.

While the UDPC is committed to working to defeat Bush in 2004 regardless of the eventual nominee, it is proud to endorse Congressman Kucinich. Congressman Kucinich is co-chair of the Progressive Caucus within the House of Representatives, and his views have always closely reflected those of the UDPC. The UDPC will commit itself to working hard to put Utah in the Dennis Kucinich column come the February 24 Utah Democratic Primary.

For more information regarding the UDPC vote to endorse Congressman Kucinich, please call (801)485-4076 or (435)640-2252.

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For Immediate Release
February 24, 2004

Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus
Opposes Marriage Amendment

The Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus (UDPC) opposes the marriage amendment to the United States Constitution endorsed by President Bush today. The Constitution has, since the end of the Civil War, guaranteed equal protection under the law. The UDPC believes that clause truly applies to all Americans.

“It is an outrage we are even considering amending our most important legal document to deny rights to people that love one another” says Laura Bonham, Co-Chair of the UDPC. “When two consenting adults join together in a permanent, loving relationship, our families and communities are stronger, not weaker for their commitment.”

Craig Axford, Co-Chair of the UDPC agrees. “It’s amazing to me that we allow convicted felons, even convicted child molesters to marry and re-marry, even have children, but we are talking about denying access to marriage to consenting, taxpaying, responsible adults.”

The UDPC calls upon all members of Utah’s congressional delegation and legislature to reconsider their position on this issue. The Constitution is too important to tamper with in response to unfounded fears or religious beliefs that should not be the basis for law in the United States.

For more information regarding the UDPC’s position on this issue please call (801)485-4076 or (435)640-2252.

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Letters to the Editor

 


May 11, 2003

 

Editor, Salt Lake Tribune

 

Dear Editor,

Thomas Sowell’s column “Consider Universal Health Care in Terms of Facts, Not Just Words” (May 9, Salt Lake Tribune) was very short on facts. The Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus believes universal healthcare should be judged on its record, not right wing rhetoric.

Single payer systems generate the best return on the dollar while providing both universal coverage and better healthcare. Mr. Sowell claims Canadians are flocking to the United States to receive basic healthcare, but the truth is the vast majority of Canadians receive their healthcare at home and are satisfied with the system.

Statistics commonly used to judge the success of a nation’s healthcare system tell the story. Maternal mortality in Canada per 100,000 live births was 6 as of 1995. In the United States the figure was 12.
In 2000, mortality of children under age 5 per 1,000 live births was 6 in Canada and 8 in the United States. Canadian life expectancy is 76.7 for men and 81.9 for women. In the United States those figures are 74.3 and 79.9 respectively.

It is important to remember our system spends 10 cents of every healthcare dollar on administration. Canada spends under 2 cents. Canadians spend approximately 4% less of their GDP on healthcare than we do. Canadian doctors also report less time spent on paperwork and more time spent with patients. Finally, every Canadian enjoys access to basic quality healthcare while more than 40 million Americans have no insurance whatsoever.
Those are the facts. Unfortunately, Sowell’s column overlooked virtually all of them.
Sincerely,

Craig Axford and Laura Bonham
Co-Chairs, Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus
P.O. Box 520578
Salt Lake City, UT 84152-0578
(801)918-6017 or (435)640-2252

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January 4, 2004


Editorial Page Editor
Salt Lake Tribune


Dear Editor,

The publication in the Salt Lake Tribune of a series of articles regarding WalMart demonstrates a serious and growing problem that threatens the very survival of the United States and global economy. WalMart is perhaps the most visible example of the race to the bottom companies are engaged in seeking workers not protected by labor laws that limit hours or protect their safety. Ideally, there is also an absence of any obligation to provide benefits.
By the WalMart CEO’s own admission, the wages paid by WalMart here at home are insufficient to support an employee and his/her family. In addition, benefits are too expensive for those same employees to afford. Labor unions cannot organize due to intimidation. Can anyone honestly claim these practices ensure an economically secure and prosperous America?
The third world workers making $35 a week or less for 60 plus hours of work without benefits are being paid too much by WalMart standards given the continuing insistence on lower prices and increased production for our collective benefit. The low wages and poor conditions American companies like WalMart impose upon foreign workers offers one explanation of why America is increasingly despised by so many people around the world.
Perhaps companies like WalMart won’t be happy until we return to the heady days prior to 1861 when America had a pool of the cheapest labor possible at its disposal. We cannot pretend to support democracy and prosperity abroad when we are exploiting labor at pennies an hour in third world countries. WalMart and companies like them that care only for the bottom line and nothing for people should be ashamed of themselves.
Sincerely,

Craig Axford and Laura Bonham
Co-Chairs, Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus
521 East Hollywood Avenue
Salt Lake City, UT 84105
(801)485-4076 or (435)336-2123

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January 6, 2004

Dear Editor:
In his January 6 letter and in a previous letter Mr. Jim Jackson argues underground nuclear testing is safe. He argues underground tests conducted following the ban on atmospheric tests by international treaty have “clearly demonstrated the ability to perform underground tests without producing fallout.”

In truth, the results of underground testing demonstrated the inability of even deeply buried nuclear bombs to be tested safely. One example from December of 1970, fully nine years after the end of atmospheric testing, demonstrates the dangers of underground testing very clearly.

On December 18, 1970 the Department of Energy conducted the Baneberry underground nuclear test. Baneberry, was buried approximately 900 feet below the floor of the Nevada desert, but still spewed tons of earth between 8,000 and 10,000 feet into the atmosphere. If Mr. Jackson or anyone else questions this fact, they can visit the Nevada Division of Environmental Protection nuclear test photos web page for a view of Baneberry and other underground tests gone awry.

However, the safety of underground tests is only part of the question. Even assuming underground testing could be conducted safely, which it can’t, why would a government giving so much lip service to ending the proliferation of nuclear weapons want to conduct such tests in the first place? As signers of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty we have committed ourselves to eventually eliminating our own nuclear arsenal. Conducting nuclear tests, underground or otherwise, in an effort to develop new first strike bunker busters violates the very treaty we have chastised North Korea and others for violating. Nuclear testing under any circumstances is morally reprehensible.

Craig Axford and Laura Bonham
C0-Chairs, Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus
521 E. Hollywood Avenue
Salt Lake City, UT 84105
(801)485-4076 or (435)336-2123

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Utah Democratic Party
Progressive Caucus War and renewed nuclear testing

In his editorial of April 18, 2004 Bill Evenson makes a number of good points regarding the absence of any real need to resume nuclear testing. We agree that annual check ups of America’s nuclear arsenal through the Stockpile Stewardship Program have demonstrated no problems with our more than 8,000 warheads, and this alone is sufficient reason not to resume nuclear testing.

We also agree with Mr. Evenson and others that contend the management of America’s nuclear weapons and any possible future resumption of nuclear testing should not be shrouded in secrecy, as is currently the case. However, we disagree with Mr. Evenson’s contention that Congressman Jim Matheson’s recently introduced legislation, the Safety for Americans from Nuclear Weapons Testing Act (H.R. 3921 or SANTA), is merely a “nice step” and would not provide greater access to information by the public prior to any resumption of nuclear testing.

Late in the summer of 2003 the Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus (UDPC) and a number of local downwinders visited with Congressman Matheson and requested he introduce legislation that would, among other things, provide the public with greater access to information and opportunity to comment before nuclear testing could resume. Congressman Matheson not only responded to our request, but introduced legislation that was stronger than we had initially requested.

Under Matheson’s bill, any resumption of nuclear testing would require the preparation of an environmental impact statement (EIS) subject to full public review and comment before nuclear testing could begin. In addition, under H.R. 3921 congressional approval would also be necessary to resume nuclear testing. This adds an additional opportunity for public involvement through their representatives in the House and Senate before nuclear testing could resume. Matheson’s legislation is more than just a “nice step” in the right direction. It places road blocks in the way of those that would resume testing and provides opportunity for public involvement in any decision to renew nuclear testing.
Ironically, Mr. Evenson would have us turn to Senator Bob Bennett to clear the way for greater public participation in the management of America’s nuclear stockpile. We sincerely hope Senator Bennett accepts Mr. Evenson’s invitation. However, if history is to be our guide, we fear this request will not be heeded by Senator Bennett or the other Republican members of Utah’s congressional delegation.

The UDPC agrees with Congressman Matheson and others that have argued potential resumption of nuclear testing should not be seen as a partisan issue. The fact remains, Utah’s sole Democrat in Congress has been the only one to stand firm in opposition to appropriations to accelerate preparations at the Nevada Test Site or to research development of new earth penetrating nuclear devices also known as “bunker busters” or “mini-nukes”.

In addition, both Senators Hatch and Bennett voted against the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) in 1999. At the time, leading opponents in the Senate like former Senator Jesse Helms and other opponents of the CTBT such as Reagan’s Ambassador to the UN Jean Kirkpatrick argued the CTBT was bad for the United States as it would effectively prohibit the development of new first strike weapons such as the ones Hatch, Bennett, Bishop and Cannon recently voted to research.

Mr. Evenson’s argument Matheson’s legislation is merely a “nice step” echoes arguments some Republicans in Utah have recently made that Matheson’s legislation does not go far enough. Many downwinders in particular have argued a complete test ban would be a better solution. Those of us that visited with Matheson last summer agree, and seriously debated requesting legislation that would implement just such a ban. However, the 1999 vote on the CTBT and more recent votes to accelerate preparations for testing in Nevada and in favor of research into new nukes convinced us such legislation would be impossible to pass in this Congress or under the current administration.

We urge all Utahns, Democrats and Republicans alike, to offer their full support to Congressman Matheson’s legislation. Senator Bennett and other members of Utah’s delegation and their challengers in this year’s election all need to hear no Utahn wants to be subjected to the consequences of nuclear testing again.
In addition, Senators Bennett and Hatch need to hear from all of us it is time they reversed their position on the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and asked President Bush to bring it back for a vote in the Senate. In the meantime, Matheson’s bill should be seen as more than a “nice step” in the right direction, it is the greatest step we can take given our Senators’ past failure to support a complete ban on nuclear testing, recent vote in favor of a Nevada Test Site ready to resume testing within 18 months and research into new nuclear weapons.

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Printed in The Southern Utah News, May 12, 2004

Response to Habbeshaw


May 5, 2004

We are writing in response to Mark Habbeshaw’s comments in the May 5 issue of the Southern Utah News chastising Congressman Matheson for not doing enough to protect Utahns and all Americans from the potential resumption of nuclear testing in Nevada. While we agree wholeheartedly with Commissioner Habbeshaw that a permanent ban on nuclear testing is preferable to any other legislative solution, it is important to understand the history leading up to Matheson’s legislation on this issue.

Commissioner Habbeshaw and others have apparently drawn some hope from recent statements by Senators Hatch, Bennett and others that they would consider “cementing” an all out ban on nuclear testing into law. If true, the Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus and people of all political stripes would truly welcome such legislation. However, history shows such a commitment on the part of Hatch and Bennett would represent a complete change of heart on their part.

In 1999 both Hatch and Bennett had the opportunity to make a ban on all nuclear testing not only the law of the United States, but a part of international law as well. That was the year the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) came up for a vote in the U.S. Senate. Led by former Senator Jesse Helms, Senators Hatch and Bennett both voted against the treaty. Among the reasons offered in opposition to the CTBT was the fact this agreement would have effectively eliminated our nation’s ability to build and test new nuclear weapons such as the “robust earth penetrators” or “bunker busters” currently being researched.

More recently, Senators Hatch and Bennett joined Congressmen Cannon and Bishop to support appropriations for accelerated preparations at the Nevada Test Site. They also opposed an amendment that would have required congressional approval prior to any resumption of testing in Nevada.

In light of these recent votes, we commend Congressman Matheson for taking steps to mandate public comment through the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) and congressional approval prior to any resumption of nuclear testing. Unless Hatch and Bennett have seen the light, they and others would not support the outright ban on testing Matheson and Habbeshaw both agree would be best for all concerned.

Soon, the voters of Utah will have an opportunity to learn whether Senator Bennett is committed to preventing resumed nuclear testing. In June the Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Energy and Water, of which Bennett is a member, will decide whether to appropriate tens of millions of dollars for nuclear weapons development in the United States. Among the issues being considered is a new nuclear bomb factory (plutonium pit facility) and further research into bunker buster nukes. All Utahns, Republicans and Democrats alike, have a stake in how Bennett decides to cast his vote on this committee come June.

Last year, Senator Bennett voted along party lines to provide tens of millions of dollars to study new nuclear weapons, and to increase the Nevada Test Site’s readiness for resumed testing. That vote passed 7 to 6. Bennett’s vote enabled that legislation to pass.

This year Senator Bennett will be voting on these same issues again, ultimately determining whether over $70 million is allocated for nuclear weapons research, development, and upgrading the Nevada Test Site. Bennett has the power to single-handedly decide whether our nation will invest these funds in more nuclear weapons.

Rather than chastising Matheson for not going far enough, we hope Commissioner Habbeshaw and others will join with us in urging Bennett not to take us further down the road of research into new weapons, which inevitably will have to be tested. Call Bennett’s office today and ask him to vote against appropriating any additional money for further nuclear weapons development or research into new classes of nuclear weapons. Tell Senator Bennett his actions on this question will speak louder than his words.

Sincerely,


Craig Axford and Laura Bonham
Co-Chairs, Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus
PO Box 520578
Salt Lake City, UT 84115
(801)485-4076 or (435)640-2252

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Making the case for a more progressive Democratic Party

Submitted November 9, 2004 to the Salt Lake Tribune


Since Bush declared victory and Kerry conceded on November 3, the calls for “unity” and “healing” have been numerous. In addition, the arguments for a more “moderate” Democratic Party have been renewed by both pundits and members of the Democratic Leadership Council (DLC).

It is not entirely clear what is meant by “healing” and “unity”. For Republicans “unity” has increasingly been seen as refraining from criticism of the president and his policies. This has been especially true since September 11, 2001. In this context healing means a more subdued Democratic Party that will better enable the implementation of partial privatization of Social Security, tax “reform” and less resistance to the president’s aggressive foreign policy.

From the perspective of those of us within the opposition party, particularly progressives, Democratic calls for “healing” and “unity” seem intended to reinforce the argument only a moderate or centrist party willing to cooperate with Republicans on various issues can bring victory in the future. We have heard various versions of this theme at least since the “Gingrich revolution” of 1994. The repeated failure of Democrats to take back either the Senate or the House, and now the White House does not deter those promoting this argument.

Ever since Clinton’s 1992 campaign, Democratic candidates at all levels have increasingly run more or less centrist campaigns. The failure of this strategy to bring victory has not diminished enthusiasm for this approach. One definition of insanity comes to mind. A person, or in this case institution, can be deemed insane if it repeatedly tries the same thing but expects different results each time.

No one disputes Utah is a conservative state. Conventional wisdom holds that only moderate to conservative candidates need apply here if they hope to hold office. To this end Democrats have run moderate to conservative candidates at a variety of levels. We have run pro-life, pro capital punishment and pro-war candidates, usually to no avail. The same is true across the Bible belt and in other solidly red states.

Ironically the result of this strategy appears to be two parties more polarized than ever. Among Democrats holding office the percentage of left leaning elected officials appears to have steadily increased. At the same time the number of extreme right wing candidates winning on the Republican side has also increased. Our representatives have become a reflection of a more polarized electorate and moderates from both parties are increasingly in the minority.

Republicans have figured out the public appreciates candidates offering a clear choice. The Democrats, on the other hand, continue to believe their only hope lies somewhere in the mushy middle. Even liberals are expected to “run toward the center” during their campaign, even though this inconsistency enables the right to successfully label these liberals “flip-floppers.” It simply has not occurred to Democratic Party leadership the people of this country are hungry for a clear debate between altering visions of the future.
Of course there are exceptions. Our own Jim Matheson, a self described moderate to conservative Democrat, has successfully used his “independence” from party leadership to convince Republicans to cross the aisle to vote for him. However, Matheson also has John Swallow to thank for two consecutive victories. Swallow is so conservative Matheson does offer a clear choice by comparison.

More to the point is Jim’s brother, Scott Matheson Jr. Scott ran a very moderate campaign focusing primarily on vouchers and Huntsman’s proposal to move the state prison toward the end of his campaign. While both issues are important, neither could be viewed as something clearly distinguishing Scott Matheson from Jon Huntsman. In a conservative state if differences between the two candidates are hard to find, the voters will likely choose the Republican every time.

The time has come to advance progressive candidates that can demonstrate a commitment to health care reform, a living wage, public education as well as fiscal responsibility. The Republicans are working overtime running up the national debt, the number of uninsured is on the rise and wages are declining. All of these issues favor Democrats, particularly progressive Democrats with a strong commitment to reducing or eliminating corporate welfare, raising the minimum wage, and offering universal health care coverage.

A slate of strong progressive candidates will not necessarily lead to a sudden reversal of fortunes in the form of a Democratic majority in 2006. But articulating a clear alternative agenda instead of one that can best be described as “Republican light” is the first step to restoring balance in Utah and retaking the House, Senate and White House in Washington, DC.

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Public Comments

May 14, 2004

Mr. William C. Suiter
NEPA Document Manager
National Nuclear Security Administration
Nevada Operations Office P.O. Box 98518
Las Vegas, NV 89193-8518

Dear Mr. Suiter:

The Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus (UDPC) appreciates this opportunity to comment on the Pre-decisional Draft Environmental Assessment for Activities Using Biological Simulants and Releases of Chemicals at the Nevada Test Site, hereafter referred to simply as the Environmental Assessment or EA. We request you add the UDPC to the mailing list to receive additional NEPA materials released from your office regarding this proposed action. In addition, we request you add the UDPC to your NEPA mailing list to receive future scoping letters or other requests for public comment released by your office in the future.

The UDPC has a number of concerns with the potential impacts to the environment associated with the proposed action and action alternatives outlined within the EA. The EA fails to meet the mandate of the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), the Migratory Bird Treaty Act (MBTA), Endangered Species Act (ESA) and other laws and regulations governing the protection of the environment. In light of these failings, the UDPC requests you adopt the no action alternative. If the government is intent on moving ahead with the proposed action, the UDPC believes and will show in these comments an environmental impact statement (EIS) is necessary.

The Draft Pre-Approval EA fails to meet the mandate of NEPA:

“Cumulative impact” is defined within the NEPA regulations as “the impact on
the environment which results from the incremental impact of the action when added to other past, present, and reasonable foreseeable future action regardless of what agency (Federal or non-F 40 C.F.R. § 1508.7
Draft EA, page 3-16. Emphasis added ederal) or person undertakes such other actions. Cumulative impacts can result from individually minor but collectively significant actions taking place over a period of time.” The EA itself recognizes and reinforces the definition of cumulative effects. “Cumulative effects are the consequences of multiple impacts, each of which could be insignificant, but when taken together, become potentially significant.”

While the EA dismisses the potential for significant impacts to plants, wildlife, soils and water quality resulting from any of the action alternatives, the analysis limits itself entirely to possible consequences to these resources resulting from the release of chemical or biological agents. There is absolutely no discussion within the EA of the cumulative impact to these resources resulting from the history of extreme activity on the Nevada Test Site (NTS), namely nuclear testing.

Assuming for the sake of argument the conclusions within the EA regarding the insignificance of impacts associated specifically with this action are correct, the EA still completely ignores possible cumulative effects associated with biological/chemical testing activities and the NTS’ long history of significant atomic testing. The most attention this issue receives is found on page 3-17 of the EA where avoidance of past nuclear testing areas in order to reduce/eliminate potential for radioactive dust disturbance is mentioned.

The Department of Energy (DOE) is well aware of the impacts past nuclear testing has had on human health across the United States. Many of the residents of counties immediately downwind of the NTS are included in the national compensation program for victims of cancers linked to nuclear testing. Therefore, it can hardly be argued nuclear testing did not have an impact on the plants, wildlife and other resources of the NTS. As the above cited NEPA regulations make clear, the cumulative impact of this past activity when combined with the proposed action cannot be ignored, even if we assume the impact(s) of the proposed action are insignificant by themselves.

The EA also ignores a specific request by the US Fish and Wildlife Service to include a detailed analysis of impacts to the desert tortoise and migratory bird species. In their response during the initial scoping period for this project, the US Fish and Wildlife stated “Direct and indirect effects from the proposed activities to the desert tortoise, migratory birds, and sensitive species in Nevada fully considered and evaluated in the EA.” Nowhere does the EA provide a list of migratory birds suspected or known to exist within the NTS or immediately downwind from the Hazmat Spill Center (HCS) or sites where releases could take place. Nowhere does the EA discuss in detail the results of past monitoring completed following similar activities conducted in the past, though we are assured such monitoring has taken place.

With regard to the Desert Tortoise, a threatened species protected under the ESA, the EA states any tortoises discovered prior to initiation of a chemical or biological release will be relocated. However, the potential impacts of relocation on these animals receive absolutely no discussion. This is a significant potential impact of the proposed action which NEPA requires and should get at least some attention within the cumulative effects analysis.

In addition to failing to specifically discuss direct/indirect cumulative effects to specific species, the EA fails to disclose which chemicals it plans to employ during the proposed tests. In fact, the National Nuclear Safety Administration/Nevada Site Office (NNSA/NSO) claim they don’t yet know which chemicals they plan to utilize. “NNSA/NSO does not know which specific chemicals could be required for testing or training. Therefore, rather than compile an exhaustive list of possible chemicals that could be released, NNSA has developed detailed criteria for chemical release events that would be protective of the environment, workers and the public.”

In its comments regarding this project, the US Fish and Wildlife Service made abundantly clear the biological agents actually or potentially planned for use during testing would be essential to fully considering impacts to natural resources under their jurisdiction. The Fish and Wildlife Agency states “…it would be important to know specific details on the various biological materials, including their persistence in the exposed environment, to assist in determining potential effects to [threatened, endangered and sensitive] species.” The logic of needing detailed information about biological agents in order to fully evaluate impact also extends to chemical agents in which wildlife and humans could be exposed.

In failing to provide any information regarding chemical agents, presumably because the government itself does not yet know which chemicals it will employ, the public is denied a critical opportunity to comment upon potential impacts. Among the purposes of NEPA is the collection of data which could be critical to the decision maker in reaching his/her decision. “The NEPA process is intended to help public officials make decisions that are based on understanding of environmental consequences and take actions that protect, restore, and enhance the environment.” Furthermore, “NEPA procedures must insure that environmental information is available to public officials and citizens before actions are taken. The information must be of high quality. Accurate scientific analysis, expert agency comments, and public scrutiny is essential to implementing NEPA.”

In order for the NNSA/NSO to be in compliance with NEPA, the chemicals actually or potentially planned for use under any action alternative must be disclosed. The EA must disclose the potential direct and indirect impacts of these chemicals. In addition, the public must have an opportunity to consider the effects of these agents for themselves and provide additional information for consideration should it be available.

The Draft Pre-Approval EA fails to meet the mandate of the MBTA and ESA

Over the course of the 20th century the United States entered into several conventions “for the protection of migratory birds and birds in danger of extinction, and their environment…” The first of these was the Migratory Bird Treaty of 1918. In January of 2001 President Clinton signed Executive Order (EO) 13186 stating in part, “These migratory bird conventions [1916, 1936, 1972 & 1978] impose substantive obligations on the United States for the conservation of migratory birds and their habitats, and through the Migratory Bird Treaty Act (MBTA), the United States has implemented these migratory bird conventions with respect to the United States.”

EO 13186 specifically requires federal agencies to “ensure that environmental analyses of Federal actions required by the NEPA or other established environmental review processes evaluate the effects of actions and agency plans on migratory birds, with emphasis on species of concern.” Furthermore, the Executive Order imposes the following requirement on agencies:

Identify where unintentional take reasonably attributable to agency actions is having, or is likely to have, a measurable negative effect on migratory bird populations, focusing first on species of concern, priority habitats, and key risk factors. With respect to those actions so identified, the agency shall develop and use principles, standards, and practices that will lessen the amount of unintentional take, developing any such conservation efforts in cooperation with the Service (USFWS). These principles, standards, and practices shall be regularly evaluated and revised to ensure that they are effective in lessening the detrimental effect of agency actions on migratory bird populations. The agency also shall inventory and monitor bird habitat and populations within the agency’s capabilities and authorities to the extent feasible to facilitate decisions about the need for, and effectiveness of, conservation efforts.

As mentioned earlier in these comments, the EA fails completely to include any discussion of impacts to migratory birds short of mentioning they exist in the area and concluding, without providing any supporting evidence, they will not be adversely impacted. The above statement makes clear it is the policy of the United States government to disclose even “unintentional take” caused by government actions. Mitigation of both intentional and unintentional impacts to migratory bird species is crucial to compliance with the MBTA. In this case, the NNSA/NSO has completely failed to meet this mandate.

With regard to the threatened desert tortoise protected by the Endangered Species Act, the current EA also does not meet the mandates of current law and regulation as expressed under the Endangered Species Act. The Endangered Species Act (ESA) declares as its purpose “to provide a means whereby the ecosystems upon which endangered species and threatened species depend may be conserved [and] to provide a program for the conservation of such species” 16 USC Sec. 1531(b). Congress has provided further direction to federal agencies to use “all methods and procedures which are necessary to bring any endangered species or threatened species to the point at which the measures provided pursuant to this Act are no longer necessary.” The ESA not only prohibits Federal agencies from taking actions that are likely to jeopardize the continued existences of endangered and threatened species, but also affirmatively requires that they “shall seek to conserve endangered species and threatened species”.

While the EA states any desert tortoise located in an area where biological or chemical agent testing is being planned will be relocated, the stress of relocation or past success relocation efforts receive no discussion. Furthermore, the impacts of past nuclear testing and chemical/biological agent activities are likewise completely ignored. The NNSA/NSO cannot reasonably argue it is complying with the mandate of the ESA expressed above given the failure to deal at all with these important issues.


Conclusion:

The importance of the ESA, MBTA and other environmental laws and regulations goes far beyond the important goal of protecting wildlife. The species covered by these laws are important indicators of the health of the environment upon which we all depend. In failing to even outline the results of past monitoring of these resources or impacts past significant activities have had on them, the government is repeating a history of irresponsibility that dates back to the beginning of the nuclear testing era. The important role of monitoring and disclosure in preventing the death and illness experienced by those living downwind from the NTS from revisiting the current and future generations cannot be understated. In failing to take these laws seriously, the government is demonstrating once again a disregard for the well being of those it represents.

In failing to provide information regarding chemicals which may be used, the locations where tests are being planned, or the results of resource monitoring the EA fails to provide both the public and the decision maker with sufficient information to adequately address threats to public and environmental health which may or actually exist. In light of Utah’s past history with the federal government on issues such as the one under consideration here, the UDPC’s members and other Utahns cannot reasonably be expected to simply take the government’s word for it when it comes to open air chemical/biological agent testing. Until the NNSA/NSO can provide more details than it has in this document, the no action alternative is the only legal and responsible option available to the government.


Sincerely,

Craig Axford Laura Bonham
Co-Chairs, Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus

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EPA New Source Review (NSR)
Hearing Comments
Democratic Progressive Caucus
March 31, 2003

Good morning. My name is Laura Bonham and I am here to speak on behalf of the Democratic Progressive Caucus. The views I am about to express are those of the Progressive Caucus, not the Utah Democratic Party as a whole.

I want to begin by thanking the EPA for this opportunity to comment on the new NSR permitting regulations governing routine maintenance, repair and replacement (RMRR) for equipment contributing to or producing air pollution within existing facilities. Air pollution along Utah’s Wasatch Front has been of considerable concern for years, and Utah’s growing population and industrial development is making air pollution along both the Wasatch Front and Back, as well as within more remote rural areas away from the Wasatch Front, an issue of increasing regional importance.

Among changes being considered under the proposed new regulations is a change in the method of calculating significant increases in emissions. While existing regulations require a determination of “significant” increases in emissions using average levels of emissions over the past two years, the new regulations would calculate significance using a facility’s highest level of emissions within the past ten years. This relaxation of existing regulations would significantly jeopardize air quality along the Wasatch Front and Back even more so than is currently the case. Changes such as the one just described will have significant impacts on the health of the elderly, children and the ill, groups already experiencing significant problems due to pollution.
The presence of several oil refineries north of Salt Lake, a smelter and several incinerators west of Salt Lake, and until recently an operable steel plant in Utah County south of Salt Lake along with numerous other industrial polluters, makes such a significant change to existing regulation a major concern. Salt Lake City frequently achieves air quality conditions that rival or exceed the worst days in Los Angeles due to atmospheric conditions such as inversions which are of particular concern in the winter. Areas off the Wasatch Front which are experiencing increased problems with air quality include Cache Valley, located north and east of Salt Lake City near the Idaho border. This traditionally more rural valley is experiencing considerable development. Like the Wasatch Front, the valley is subject to winter inversions that trap pollution as well as smog and haze during the summer months.

A year ago Cache Valley experienced one of the highest PM 2.5 readings in the country reaching twice the federal standards on February 7, 2002 (137 ug/m-3). Mild conditions have spared Cache Valley this winter, but that will not be the case every year.

Like Cache Valley, national parks and other areas that have traditionally been considered attainment areas are experiencing increasing problems with haze, smog and particulates. While existing standards have successfully reduced some forms of pollution in the more urban non-attainment areas, a growing population and the industry that supports it have continued to contribute greenhouse gases, smog producing pollutants and particulates to the atmosphere at an increasing rate on a national scale.

The health effects associated with this growing pollution problem includes childhood asthma, chronic bronchitis and other illnesses with health costs and costs in lost productivity dwarfing the investment required to improve efficiency and reduce emissions. Unfortunately, the EPA with the blessing of the Bush Administration is focused almost exclusively on the costs to industry associated with upgrading equipment and is showing little or no regard for the social costs associated with America’s growing air quality problems.
We believe toughening the regulations to push industry toward even greater efficiency and reduced emissions is in order. The benefits to society of tough air quality standards that are regularly and consistently enforced by government include reduced risks to public health, improvements in efficiency which not only reduce emissions but reduce energy use as well, and increased employment as companies invest in both R & D and equipment to meet improving standards.

It is our hope the EPA will reject the proposed rule as written, and will look for ways to better enforce existing regulations. If changes to the rule are to be made, they must enhance both enforcement and air quality without sacrificing public health and welfare. The EPA has failed to demonstrate the proposed rule will do either. Thank you again for this opportunity to comment.

Laura Bonham
Co-Chair, Democratic Progressive Caucus
(insert contact information here)

 

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August 5, 2003


James J. Rose
NA-53/Forrestal Building
NNSA
U.S. Department of Energy
1000 Independence Avenue, S.W.
Washington, DC 20585

Dear Mr. Rose,

The Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus (UDPC) appreciates this opportunity to comment on the Draft Supplemental Programmatic Environmental Impact Statement on Stockpile Stewardship and Management for a Modern Pit Facility hereafter referred to as the Draft Supplemental EIS or DSEIS. We request our caucus be added to any NEPA mailing list your agency maintains to receive additional information regarding this proposal as it becomes available to the public.

The UDPC has committed itself to supporting nuclear nonproliferation and to opposing the resumption of nuclear testing. While the DSEIS does not deal directly with either issue, any resumption of plutonium pit production must be considered in light of both the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and the current moratorium on nuclear testing. Given the Bush administration’s apparent commitment to the development of new “mini-nukes” or bunker busting nuclear weapons, which will require the use of plutonium pits as well as a resumption of at least some nuclear testing, we are very troubled by the proposal outlined within the DSEIS.

The stated Purpose and Need for the proposed action is the aging of America’s current nuclear stockpile and the alleged decay associated with aging nuclear weapons. The current average age of our nuclear devices is said to be “about 19 years”. The summary of the DSEIS states, “Age-related changes that can affect a nuclear weapon’s pit include changes in plutonium properties as impurities build up inside the material due to radioactive decay, and corrosion along interfaces, joints, and welds.” (Page S-11)

However, your agency also readily admits to the “fundamental uncertainty” surrounding pit lifetimes and the failure to detect measurable change in the existing pits contained within our nuclear stockpile. While the average age of our weapons is about 19 years, the National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA) weapons laboratories “have determined that pits will perform adequately for 45-60 years.” (S-12) Furthermore, “NNSA is encouraged that measurements to date have not shown any significant degradation of pits over approximately 40 years.” (S-13)

The United States is committed to reducing its operationally deployed nuclear arsenal to between 1,700 and 2,200 nuclear devices by 2012. The interim facility already authorized to produce up to 20 pits per year (ppy) and in development at Los Alamos will be operational by 2007, and assuming full production will have produced approximately 260 pits by 2020, the year the first weapons in our arsenal approach the end of their useful lives, assuming the 45-60 year useful life estimate proves accurate.

In other words, our nation is already poised to replace more than 10% of the pits within the 1,700-2,200 weapons the U.S. projects will be operationally deployed by 2012, enabling us to maintain a functional nuclear deterrent for decades to come. Even assuming some pits began to show measurable levels of decay between 2020 and 2035, the earliest the NNSA projects such an eventuality, the 20 ppy produced at Los Alamos would enable the U.S. the maintain a functional arsenal of approximately 1,000 weapons over any given 45-60 year period. More than sufficient to deal with any possible threat we might face from another nuclear power.

All this brings us to the question of why additional pit production facilities capable of producing between 125 ppy and 450 ppy are considered necessary, or even worthy of consideration. Such production levels would facilitate replacement of all existing pits in the 1,700-2,200 weapons that we plan to have deployed in 2012 in between 5 and 18 years depending on the rate pits are produced. Given none of our current operational weapons are in need of pit replacement currently, the production levels provided appear to far exceed necessary annual replacement even assuming the useful lifetime of a plutonium pit turns out to be only 45 years, an outcome the NNSA has already determined to be very unlikely.

We can only conclude the pit production proposed is really intended to facilitate the development and ultimate testing of a new breed of nuclear weapons. Bunker buster nukes are the most likely candidate for upcoming development and testing, though experimentation with additional weapons cannot be ruled out. Only a shift in national policy which calls for the deployment of nuclear weapons for use in conventional warfare justifies the level of production being contemplated here. Bunker busters are by all admissions intended for use as a first strike preemptive weapon or as a weapon intended for use in “conventional warfare” to remove underground hardened targets that may pose a threat to advancing troops. We fear this is where the real “Purpose and Need” for this proposal lies.

Because the levels of production being contemplated here far exceed necessary pit production levels to maintain the safety of America’s operationally deployed nuclear stockpile (assuming 2012 levels projected in the DSEIS), the proposed action is a clear and flagrant violation of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty to which the U.S. is a party. The DSEIS Summary clearly states, “Article VI of the NPT obligates the parties ‘to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to cessationof the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament…” (S-17, emphasis added)

The DSEIS attempts to get around the above quoted obligations under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty stating the following: “It must be noted that the NPT does not provide any time period for achieving the ultimate goal of nuclear disarmament nor does it preclude the maintenance of nuclear weapons until their disposition.” (Ibid) While perhaps technically accurate, as we have already pointed out the production levels proposed far exceed that which is needed to “maintain” our nuclear arsenal. Furthermore, any action which leads away from the “ultimate goal” of total disarmament cannot be considered to be in compliance with either the spirit or the letter of the NPT.

Our membership consists of citizens living in a state directly downwind from the Nevada Test Site. Utah’s history of exposure to both fallout and government deception is well documented. It is clear given the admissions and numbers provided within the DSEIS the purpose of this action goes beyond mere maintenance of existing nuclear weapons. Especially over the long-term, the production levels proposed can only mean the United States is committing itself not to disarmament as promised, but the development and deployment of more nuclear weapons.

Testing will inevitably be the consequence of such a strategy. Bunker buster nukes or any underground test for any reason poses a serious threat to the public health of those living downwind. Numerous examples exist of underground tests that went atmospheric, as your agency is undoubtedly aware. If even one plutonium pit to be manufactured within facilities proposed here is to be used in such a test, this is an indirect consequence of the proposed action the National Environmental Policy Act requires you to consider. So far, your agency as not only failed to consider this issue, but denied the issue is even a matter of serious concern.

For the reasons stated above, the Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus cannot support any of the action alternatives outlined within the DSEIS. We view this proposed action as a clear violation of international treaty and law and urge your agency and the Bush administration to withdraw any proposal to expand plutonium pit production. Thank you again for this opportunity to comment.

Sincerely,

Craig Axford Laura Bonham
Co-Chairs, Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus
P.O. Box 520578
Salt Lake City, UT 84152
(801)918-6017

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December 15, 2003


Re: Comments National Academy of Sciences hearing, St. George, UT


Dear NAS Committee:

The Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus (UDPC) appreciates this opportunity to provide comments regarding the geographic scope and effects of nuclear testing. Utah and the intermountain west have been severely impacted by testing over the past half century, and we thank the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) for its willingness to consider this issue.

While southern Utah and Nevada have received more than their fair share of environmental and public health effects associated with past open air and below ground nuclear testing, virtually every county east of the Nevada Test Site has experienced fallout from past tests. In many cases, communities as far away as Des Moines, Iowa or Rochester, New York saw significant levels of fallout. To date the public health and environmental consequences of fallout within these and other communities have not been sufficiently considered scientifically. As a result, public policy as it relates to the impacts of fallout on downwinders has been limited to a few counties in southern Nevada, Utah and northern Arizona.

The UDPC considers it ironic the NAS would choose to hold its only hearing regarding the potential broadening of the geographic eligibility requirements to receive compensation for illnesses linked with nuclear testing in the heart of the area where eligibility has already been established. While it is certainly appropriate for St. George to be a part of discussions regarding nuclear testing and related compensation questions, the NAS owes it to the American people to hold hearings in other affected communities as well. So far as Utah is concerned, the metropolitan areas along the Wasatch Front should be considered for future hearings on the subject being considered by the committee today. We urge the committee to schedule at least one hearing in Salt Lake City or the surrounding area before issuing its final report.

In addition, the UDPC feels strongly the committee should evaluate areas of significant fallout across the United States and schedule hearings accordingly. We draw the committee’s attention to the map attached to these comments and request you hold hearings in southern Idaho, Denver or the surrounding metropolitan area, Des Moines, Iowa and other areas that have received significant fallout due to our nation’s shameful history of nuclear testing. In all affected communities the medical community, NGOs and other groups known to have an interest in this issue should be invited to participate.

The UDPC is also troubled by the apparent lack of research done to date on the environmental and public health consequences of detonating more than 1,000 nuclear devices upwind of most of the American population over the course of approximately 45 years. While various forms of cancer have received some attention, most would agree the research has been considerably lacking in both its scope and depth. Chronic diseases such as juvenile diabetes, lupus and multiple sclerosis have not been considered at all in the context of past nuclear testing to our knowledge. The frequency and possible association of testing with congenital conditions, still births, and premature deliveries have also been largely ignored.

The government will predictably respond to requests for research into the above listed issues by stating there is little to no evidence to support claims chronic disease or congenital conditions are linked to nuclear testing. This argument demonstrates just how self serving the lack of research is. The lack of evidence is due to the lack of research. The absence of research is largely due to the unwillingness of the government to support it. The UDPC and others can do little more than speculate regarding links between nuclear testing and diseases such as juvenile diabetes given the failure to conduct the research needed to prove or disprove whether a link exists.

Returning to the issue of geographic scope, there is no question as to where fallout occurred during the years of above ground nuclear testing. Due to the tireless efforts of men like Richard Miller who produced the map attached to these comments, we know virtually every state east of Nevada experienced a significant fallout event or events at some time or another before open-air testing ended in 1962. There can be no question in our mind that cancers acknowledged to occur in Washington County, Utah due to testing must necessarily have occurred elsewhere for the same reason. The question before this committee and the government is not whether various cancers were the result of testing in every community across America east of the test site, but to what degree. It is foolish to base a compensation program on the assumption radiation magically ceased to rain down upon citizens or to have an effect upon their health after the fallout cloud crossed an arbitrary county or state line.

While the UDPC readily acknowledges the financial burden the government must necessarily bear if the geographic scope is widened to reflect all the areas hit by fallout, even when compensation is limited to the cancers and conditions established within existing legislation, reality and scientific truth do not change in response to fiscal burdens. The government has lied to the people of Utah and to the citizens of the United States as a whole when it comes to the risks associated with fallout. The time has long since passed for it to take responsibility for those lies.

The committee must also consider the question before it in the context of policies currently being considered. This administration is actively preparing to renew production of plutonium pits, has secured funding to accelerate preparations at the Nevada Test Site that would enable a more rapid return to nuclear testing, and is advocating research and development of a new generation of “bunker buster” nuclear weapons. The mandate of this committee is meaningless if its decision does not reflect an awareness of the lessons of the past in light of the very real possibility history may repeat itself in the very near future. Recognition of the true scope of the consequences of past testing would send a clear message to those that would renew nuclear testing in any form. With or without your acknowledgement of the actual geographic scope of these consequences, however, the people of Utah will never again sit idly by while their health and that of their children is sacrificed on the altar of national security.


Sincerely,


Craig Axford Laura Bonham
Co-Chairs, Utah Democratic Progressive Caucus
PO Box 520578
Salt Lake City, UT 84152

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